Prussia lost one half of its territory following the War of the Fourth Coalition. After the defeat of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna reinstated the Germanic states into the German Confederation under the leadership of the Austrian Empire. The Carlsbad Decrees suppressed any form of pan-Germanic activities to avoid the creation of a 'German state'; the Kingdom of Prussiahowever, initiated a customs union with other Confederation states.
Each respectively distilled the experience and defined the historical legacy of a century. Each embraced a pair of episodes with lastingly transformative impacts. From to the Revolutionary War and the adoption of the Constitution brought national independence and established the basic political framework within which the nation would be governed ever after.
To understand the logic and the consequences of those three moments is to understand much about the essence and the trajectory of all of American history. To a much greater degree than in the earlier cases, the changes set in motion by the Great Depression and World War II had their origins outside the United States—a reminder of the increasing interdependency among nations that was such a salient feature of the twentieth century.
The Great Depression was a worldwide catastrophe whose causes and consequences alike were global in character. Economists and historians continue to this day to debate the proximate causes of the Great Depression. The war exacted a cruel economic and human toll from the core societies of the advanced industrialized world, including conspicuously Britain, France, and Germany.
The lingering distortions in trade, capital flows, and exchange rates occasioned by the punitive Treaty of Versailles, as the economist John Maynard Keynes observed at the time, managed to perpetuate in peacetime the economic disruptions that had wrought so much hardship in wartime.
To those abundant physical and institutional ills might be added a rigidly doctrinaire faith in laissez-faire, balanced national budgets, and the gold standard.
The United States had participated only marginally in the First World War, but the experience was sufficiently costly that Americans turned their country decidedly inward in the s.
Congress in effectively closed the American market to foreign vendors with the Fordney-McCumber Tariff, among the highest in United States history, and the Smoot-Hawley Tariff eight years later.
Washington also insisted that the Europeans repay the entirety of the loans extended to them by the US Treasury during the war. And in the republic for the first time in its history imposed a strict limit on the number of immigrants who could annually enter the country.
Among those eventually excluded though none could yet know it were thousands of Jewish would-be fugitives from Nazi persecution. Militarily, diplomatically, commercially, financially, even morally, Americans thus turned their backs on the outside world.
American prosperity in the s was real enough, but it was not nearly as pervasive as legend has portrayed. And well before the Great Depression, almost as soon as the Great War concluded ina severe economic crisis had beset the farm-belt.
It did not entirely lift until the next world war, more than twenty years later. Virtually none enjoyed such common urban amenities as electricity and indoor plumbing.
Other maladies began to appear, faintly at first, but with mounting urgency as the Depression began to unfold. Some twenty-five thousand banks, most of them highly fragile "unitary" institutions with tiny service areas, little or no diversification of clients or assets, and microscopic capitalization, constituted the astonishingly vulnerable foundation of the national credit.
As for government—public spending at all levels, including towns, cities, counties, states, and the federal government itself, amounted only to about 15 percent of the gross domestic product in the s, one-fifth of which was federal expenditures.
Ideology aside, its very size made the federal government in the s a kind of ninety-pound weakling in the fight against the looming depression.
Then in the autumn ofthe bubble burst. The Great Crash in October sent stock prices plummeting and all but froze the international flow of credit. Banks failed by the thousands. Businesses collapsed by the tens of thousands.
Herbert Hoover, elected just months earlier amid lavish testimonials to his peerless competence, saw his presidency shattered and his reputation forever shredded because of his inability to tame the depression monster—though, again contrary to legend, he toiled valiantly, using what tools he had and even inventing some new ones, as he struggled to get the upper hand.
Bysome thirteen million Americans were out of work, one out of every four able and willing workers in the country. Even those horrendous numbers could not begin to take the full measure of the human misery that unemployment entailed.
Given the demography of the labor force and prevailing cultural norms that kept most women—and virtually all married women—out of the wage-paying economy, a 25 percent unemployment rate meant that, for all practical purposes, every fourth household in America had no breadwinner.
Many Americans came to believe that they were witnessing not just another downswing of the business cycle, but the collapse of a historic economic, political, and social order, perhaps even the end of the American way of life. Yet curiously, as many observers noted, most Americans remained inexplicably docile, even passive, in the face of this unprecedented calamity.
Among those who were perplexed by the apparent submissiveness of the American people as the Depression descended was Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Repeatedly he spoke of this, saying that it was enormously puzzling to him that the ordeal of the past three years had been endured so peaceably.
Those elusive but deep-seated and powerful American cultural characteristics go a long way toward explaining the challenge that faced any leader seeking to broaden the powers of government to combat the Depression.
FDR and the New Deal Elected to the presidency in on a platform that promised "a new deal for the American people," Franklin Roosevelt now took up that challenge. He faced a task of compound difficulty:Published: Mon, 5 Dec Adolf Hitler was born on 20th April , in the small Austrian town of Braunau.
When the World War I began in , Hitler volunteered to join the German army.
Eleanor Fair Maid of Brittany (c. – 10 August ), also known as Damsel of Brittany, Pearl of Brittany, or Beauty of Brittany, was the eldest daughter of Geoffrey II, Duke of Brittany, the fourth son of King Henry II of England, and Constance, Duchess of attheheels.com the presumed death in of her imprisoned younger brother, Arthur, she was heiress to vast lands including England.
Essay on World War II ( Words) War is one of the most tragic things in our world today. It is even sadder that usually it comes around at least once in our lifetime. In the 20th century alone we have already had two huge wars.
These wars are called the World Wars simply [ ]. From Pre-Columbian to the New Millennium. The word history comes from the Greek word historía which means "to learn or know by inquiry." In the pieces that follow, we encourage you to probe, dispute, dig deeper — inquire.
History is not static. The Peace Treaty of , also known as The Paris Peace Treaty, ended the United States War for Independence. Representing England was Richard Oswald, chief negotiator under the Earl of Shelburne, the Secretary of State; signing for Britain was David Hartley.
The Opposition. The question before us is whether the League that has been drafted by the Commission of the Peace Conference and laid before us is will it secure the peace of the world as it stands, and whether it is just and fair to the United States of America.